We had a roommate stealing food situation too. There were 4 of us, the first 2 didn’t have their food stolen before, I’m the 3rd one moving in but whom everyone could see I buy my own food, and a 4th guy who moved in around the same time as me but always hung out in the living room. It was obvious who was stealing, but none of us had proof, nor was there anything we could do about it anyway, until I had a flu once and decided to buy orange juice to be healthy, but because it was for only me, I drank straight from the jug. A few days later the 4th guy and only the 4th guy caught the flu…
After an eight-hour meeting that included a public comment period for which 74 people signed up to speak, the Planning Board voted eight in favor (with one member not voting) to forward the proposal to City Council for review. City Council is expected to take it up in October.
Hundreds of people sent written comments to the board ahead of its decision. For months, residents have aired such concerns as fear of having former prisoners as neighbors. People who share housing have pushed for their arrangements to be legitimized.
The proposed zoning code change includes increasing the number of adults who aren’t related who can legally share a single-family home from two to five, with larger homes allowed to harbor as many as 10.
Jason Hornyak told the Planning Board that the changes would allow younger people to do what he did not know was illegal when he arrived in Denver as a recent college graduate: pool resources with others to be able to afford a home and start a life here. Referring to the city Community Planning and Development department that created the amendment, Hornyak said: “Cheers to CPD for making Denver a more equitable city.”
Donna Bryson, August 19, 2020
Denver has an immediate need for housing, and the city has made it a priority to address that need by working to make more options available for all residents. Updating zoning rules is one piece of the city’s overall strategy to provide more and better housing opportunities for all residents.
Affordable housing can cost $1 million per unit in California due to is California’s labyrinthine financing process, parking minimums, and local governments forcing developers to cut number of apartments per building from urbanplanning
My home town West Los Angeles is terrible at this. Parking is atrocious, and so is the ability to rezone single resident to multi floor apartments, or even apartment complex. We understandably don’t allow new developements to happen without built in parking now, but that then creates a city of high end apartments being the only thing people want to develop. So parking is a stigma of the issues. Of course public transportation is big for many metropolises, but LA is big, like big big. Public transportation is good, but bad in LA.. lots of NIMBY stopping the way. (look at trying to pass a trolley line near Beverly Hills High School) So this leads to a realm of housing that is damn near impossible to afford. I don’t quite know what to do. I’m not an expert in any way. It’s just what I’ve come to understand is the issue.
The cause is a lack of public transport. But transport projects are rendered unviable by the large ownership and preference to cars. You have to tackle the issue from both ends. You also need planning policy which aims to reduce total trips taken outside the local area. —
No one knows when the COVID-19 crisis will pass, but the Mile High City real estate scene continues to operate at a fever pitch, with the average closing price for a house in July, as calculated by the Denver Metro Association of Realtors, landing at $601,863, an all-time record.
How Average Metro Denver House Prices Doubled in a Decade
From the early outbreaks to the economic destruction that has come after, the coronavirus pandemic has mapped itself onto America’s longstanding affordable housing problem and the gaping inequality that underlies it. To offset rising rents in a nation where one in four tenant households spend more than half of their pretax income on shelter, a multitude of low-wage service workers have piled into ever more crowded homes
San Francisco, there is a rough economic split. Cities and neighborhoods to the east, places like East Palo Alto, North Fair Oaks and the Belle Haven section of Menlo Park, are more overcrowded and have a larger share of low-income and Black and Latino residents, many of whom have been disproportionately affected by the virus. Towns and neighborhoods to the west, places like Hillsborough and Palo Alto, are whiter and rich.
This geography is as fundamental to how the place operates as the invention of the microchip. Every day, throngs of clerks, landscapers and elder-care workers wake up on the eastern parts and travel to homes on the western parts or to the corporate campuses of tech companies to do subcontracting work. And every night, they return to overcrowded homes.
12 People in a 3-Bedroom House, Then the Virus Entered the Equation
Overcrowding, not density, has defined many coronavirus hot spots. Service workers’ quarters skirting Silicon Valley are no exception.
Wall Street’s latest real estate grab has ballooned to roughly $60 billion, representing hundreds of thousands of properties. In some communities, it has fundamentally altered housing ecosystems in ways we’re only now beginning to understand, fueling a housing recovery without a homeowner recovery. “That’s the big downside,” says Daniel Immergluck, a professor of urban studies at Georgia State University. “During one of the greatest recoveries of land value in the history of the country, from 2010 and 2011 at the bottom of the crisis to now, we’ve seen huge gains in property values, especially in suburbs, and instead of that accruing to many moderate-income and middle-income homeowners, many of whom were pushed out of the homeownership market during the crisis, that land value has accrued to these big companies and their shareholders.”
Before 2010, institutional landlords didn’t exist in the single-family-rental market; now there are 25 to 30 of them, according to Amherst Capital, a real estate investment firm. From 2007 to 2011, 4.7 million households lost homes to foreclosure, and a million more to short sale. Private-equity firms developed new ways to secure credit, enabling them to leverage their equity and acquire an astonishing number of homes.
The Great Wall Street Housing Grab
Hundreds of thousands of single-family homes are now in the hands of giant companies — squeezing renters for revenue and putting the American dream even further out of reach.
Francesca Mari, NYTIMES
In California, more than 100,000 people sleep on the streets. The tent cities in Los Angeles’s skid row have distinct neighborhoods, and across from a homelessness center, the bodies on the sidewalk are four rows deep. Trailers line the streets near Google’s Mountain View headquarters, and in Modesto, a woman sleeping in a cardboard box was crushed to death by a front loader that came to clear her encampment away.
Francesca Mari, NY Times
Fighting for Housing in America
By Conor Dougherty
To better understand how rents and affordability have changed over time, Apartment List analyzed Census data from 1960 – 2014. We find that inflation-adjusted rents have risen by 64%, but real household incomes only increased by 18%. The situation was particularly challenging from 2000 – 2010: household incomes actually fell by 7%, while rents rose by 12%. As a result, the share of cost-burdened renters nationwide more than doubled, from 24% in 1960 to 49% in 2014.
Andrew Woo, How Have Rents Changed Since 1960?